Education for all a reform or

She is describing a visit last fall to Lake Pontchartrain Elementary School, a low-income school in St. Maintaining data systems, drafting rules and regulations, and monitoring compliance are not the stuff of breathless raves—especially in Louisiana, whose education system ranks near the bottom nationwide on measures of student achievement and high-school graduation rates.

Education for all a reform or

Notify me of follow-up comments by email. Notify me of new posts by email. Today, the federal government provides about 9 percent of the funding for K public schools. The idea is simple. All told, about 57 percent of the teachers in the U.

The proposed tax credit does two things: First, it would likely increase the available supply of teachers who want to work in high-poverty schools, achieving greater equity and improved education. Second, it also would provide a tax credit for teachers who are already there. Teaching in high-poverty schools is an awfully tough job.

In low-income states and in low-income districts, because teacher salaries are low, the raise is likely to be more than 20 percent. Analogously, the percentage increase may be less in low-income urban schools that are located in school districts that pay above the national average.

There is, however, at least a question as to whether a tax credit is as salient to teachers as a direct salary increase. However, a tax credit is much closer to a current salary boost than the promise of a better pension many years in the future.

Still, it might make sense for districts to emphasize that eligible teachers can reduce their tax withholding in order to get an immediate increase in take-home pay.

Still, jobs that pay more tend to be more competitive, drawing more applicants. Even a healthy-sized tax credit does not mean that all teachers will gravitate toward these opportunities.

But unless teaching is exempt from basic labor economics, more teachers will almost certainly apply than would otherwise. The CAP proposal would apply only to teachers who are making a very specific extra contribution by working in high-poverty schools.

That suggests that districts might do well to review their hiring systems in the face of a changed landscape. Congress can make changes—as they have recently with the deductibility of mortgage interest—but once in place refundable credits are likely to be stable for a number of years.

Stability is important for teachers making long-term career choices. A typical teacher is likely in the 22 percent tax bracket on her federal return a bit higher in states with a state income tax.

In fact, high-poverty counties are more likely to have voted for President Trump in the last election than are low-poverty counties.

In other words, there is a bunch of red state members of Congress who should have a strong interest in funneling money into high-poverty schools. Eventually, such a proposal has to be paid for of course, which should be a concern for everyone.

CAP calculates the cost of the program to be about one-tenth the size of the recently passed federal tax cuts. Now to that small, technical gotcha. Looking at FRPL is not such a good measure of poverty, in part because a number of districts now provide free lunches to all students, in response to an anachronistic system which is dependent upon families submitting a form declaring themselves to be poor.

Fortunately, a better measure would be simple to implement. Eligibility for FRPL corresponds roughly to income below percent of the poverty line. So change the credit-eligibility criteria from FRPL to a set fraction of students below the poverty line equivalent.

If you know where your students live, then a poverty measure can easily be put together from Census data. Using such poverty data directly really gets right to the heart of where teachers should be getting an extra tax credit. The high-poverty-school-refundable-tax-credit idea is a good idea that should have wide appeal, if ideas were still judged on their merits.

Given the income distribution across the country, much benefit would end up in low-income and rural states that are often conservative strongholds. Bipartisanship may be a quaint notion in the current political context, but this is an idea well worth consideration from all sides.Jan 30,  · Education Reform news and opinion.

How A Betsy DeVos Department Of Education Could Lead To A Massive Transfer Of Public Funds Into The Private Sector. A general State education is a mere contrivance for moulding people to be exactly like one another: and as the mould in which it casts them is that which pleases the predominant power in the government, whether this be a monarch, a priesthood, an aristocracy, or the majority of the existing generation in proportion as it is efficient and successful, it establishes a despotism over the mind.

Robert Pondiscio joins EdNext editor-in-chief Marty West on the EdNext Podcast to discuss the curriculum-driven reform efforts led by the Louisiana Department of Education.

Modeling And Simulation Tools for Education Reform MASTER Tools, developed by The Shodor Education Foundation, Inc. are the result of on-going collaborations with the National Center for Supercomputing Applications (NCSA), George Mason University, and other education are designed to be interactive tools and simulation environments that enable and .

Education for all a reform or

Education Reform Now is an action tank that aims to: (1) reorient education policy as a content as opposed to time or place based right for students and teachers; (2) ensure consistent and mutually reinforcing policies at elementary, secondary, and postsecondary levels; and (3) promote new methods of content delivery and tools of influence on [ ].

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Profit of Education | The economic evidence on education reform.